Sunday, October 14, 2007

How To Become A Distinguished Israeli Leader

politicianWhat professional politician does not want to be eternally remembered as a distinguished statesman? What professional politician does not want a starring role in the headlines, to appear smiling at all the cocktail parties, become larger than life and stake his claim in the international Hall of Fame?

In Israel, the path to glory is simple. All that a politician has to do is retreat, destroy Jewish settlements and talk about peace. Since Menachem Begin, the only Israeli prime minister to withstand this temptation was Yitzchak Shamir. Begin, Rabin, Peres, Netanyahu Barak, Sharon and now Olmert all opted for their brief moments in the international sun. True, some of them had other motivations -- police investigations or heavy international pressure. But the name of the game is fame.

Olmert is not stupid. He also wants to be famous. And just like Sharon, he also has some uncomfortable dealings that must be whitewashed by destroying Jewish settlements. But despite his corrupt and controlling leadership methods, Sharon just barely managed to drive the Jews out of Gush Katif. How could Olmert even dream of driving the remaining 95% of the settlers from Judea and Samaria?

With the help of the Supreme Court, Olmert tried to destroy a settlement -- Amona. It was a test case. But the settlers did not fall for the State Supremacists among them who usually quell any type of opposition to the forces of destruction. It looked like a real struggle was sprouting, the Israeli public did not like the gory pictures and an easy expulsion as in Gush Katif was obviously not in the cards.

The Expulsion Chief of Staff Halutz promised Olmert a simple military victory in Lebanon, straight from the air. The victory was supposed to give Olmert political stature and make his leadership more convincing. "Victory," Olmert explained, "would provide momentum for the Convergence." But "victory" was out of his reach and Olmert became relatively harmless for about a year.

Slowly but surely, though, Olmert's condition stabilized. The waves of civil protest died down in the face of the inexplicable impotence of the political Opposition. Netanyahu, as usual, was afraid to open his mouth. Instead, he hoped that Olmert would be forced to resign and that he would become prime minister effortlessly. But just the opposite occurred. The public simply got used to the situation and understood that it really had no alternative.

The old disease began to rear its head once again. Together with his counterpart who had been driven from Gaza, Olmert began to weave new dreams of glory. The successful air force strike in Syria brought the color back to Olmert's cheeks. In no time, everyone will pose for pictures on the White House lawn and who will remember the small-time swindler, the house on Cremieux Street and the defeat at the hands of the Hizbollah? Olmert will have his fame and glory. What will happen afterwards? Who cares?

This formula works quite well. Just ask Shimon Peres.

Until this point, there was not much cause for worry. After all, Olmert is just Olmert. He has no legitimate mandate to surrender Jerusalem. Surrendering Jerusalem means giant demonstrations and threatens the stability of the government coalition.

Where can Olmert access the legitimacy to sign Jerusalem away? From the Right, of course. From Netanyahu and Lieberman. Just like every other smart administrator, Olmert knows that the best way to control the workers is to buy off the union head. The Ultra-Orthodox will join and the National Religious are irrelevant. All that Olmert needs to succeed is the support of the Likud and Lieberman's party. The path to fame crosses Bibi's threshold.

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